Bangkok Post - When voters look beyond credentials

bangkokpost.com · Feb 19, 2026 · Collected from GDELT

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Many observers of Thai politics may be wondering why the following individual of such distinguished standing failed to secure a seat in parliament in the Feb 8 election. He holds the title of professor and earned a doctoral degree in engineering from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, one of the world's most renowned universities. He previously contested the 2022 Bangkok gubernatorial election, securing more than 250,000 votes. He has also achieved notable academic success and served as president of King Mongkut's Institute of Technology, Ladkrabang. With credentials such as these, his electoral defeat has come as a surprise to many.The person I'm referring to is Suchatvee "Dr Ae" Suwansawat, leader of the Thai Kao Mai Party. His party received 99,520 party-list votes, according to the latest results published by the Election Commission, which had counted 94% of ballots as of Feb 14. As the total did not reach 150,000 votes, Mr Suchatvee, who was placed first on the party list, will not enter parliament. Mr Suchatvee officially introduced his party on Oct 3, 2025, before Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul announced the dissolution of the House on Dec 12, vowing to return power to the people. To me, the fact that Thai Kao Mai was among the first parties to launch and promptly declare its intention to contest the election indicates a high level of readiness -- in personnel, policy and financial resources. Otherwise, it would not have demonstrated such confidence. I truly hoped to see a new political party like Thai Kao Mai, which champions education-driven policies, enter parliament and work seriously during this term. At the launch event, party executives appeared in jeans and neatly pressed shirts, presenting a dynamic and approachable image. This reflected strong preparation and readiness for parliamentary work. The party unveiled its "four arrows" policy to strengthen Thailand and transform it into a more resilient nation. The initiative focused on four core challenges: human development, economic innovation, quality of life and new social values. It emphasised advanced technologies such as artificial intelligence and blockchain to modernise governance and drive the country into the digital era. Until voting day, I believed Thai Kao Mai might win one or two seats. Its failure to secure representation stemmed largely from limited grassroots support. The party did not effectively penetrate rural constituencies nor engage in local politics in the manner practised by established ban yai political networks. Consequently, it lacked a strong support base. Moreover, its policies may have been difficult for the general public to relate to, as many perceived them as abstract or detached from everyday concerns. By contrast, the victory of the New Alternative Party, led by Mongkolkit "Pee Teh" Suksintharanont, reflects a harsh political reality. Many voters chose this party even though several of its proposed policies appeared exaggerated, unrealistic and almost comical. The pressing question is: why? There may be many reasons, but one common explanation could be that some voters want politicians like Mr Mongkolkit -- with his down-to-earth demeanour -- in parliament for entertainment value. At the same time, they may be curious to see whether his party's proposals could ever be translated into reality. The New Alternative Party received 157,020 party-list votes. Having surpassed the 150,000 threshold, Rachen Trakulwiang, who was first on the party list, secured a seat in the House. The party's headline proposals include a dinosaur breeding programme, push-up exercises linked to salaries and grades, a half-price spa massage scheme, and amending laws to allow women to have up to four husbands or men up to four wives. Mr Mongkolkit later announced on Facebook that he was ready to send one MP from his party to join the government, on the condition that the administration push forward his campaign policies. Despite championing modern structural reforms, Mr Suchatvee struggled to translate personal popularity into parliamentary representation, especially compared with Mr Mongkolkit. His campaign emphasised systemic modernisation and national reform. However, Thailand's electoral landscape remains heavily influenced by local patronage systems, party branding and highly recognisable personalities. Good policies alone are not enough. Success requires pairing reformist agendas with strong constituency-level organisation and clear, accessible messaging that connects directly with everyday voter concerns. This is the dark political comedy currently unfolding in Thailand.