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Why the center left is succeeding in Kosovo
Politico Europe
Published about 3 hours ago

Why the center left is succeeding in Kosovo

Politico Europe · Mar 2, 2026 · Collected from RSS

Summary

Politics requires the courage to move beyond the center. It rewards those who stand for something — consistently and over time.

Full Article

News Opinion Politics requires the courage to move beyond the center. It rewards those who stand for something — consistently and over time. Kosovo Prime Minister Albin Kurti waves after a session in the parliament to form the new government, ending the country's long-running political deadlock, in Pristina on Feb. 11. | Armend Nimani/AFP via Getty Images March 2, 2026 4:00 am CET Zoja Surroi is political advisor to the prime minister of Kosovo. Prime Minister Albin Kurti’s second majority win in Kosovo shows it’s possible to inspire through governance.To understand how he won his second mandate, one has to understand why he won his first — and that is the desire for change. To correct a political course before it becomes irreversible and to move toward something better. At the time, I was filled with such hope, watching the results from the Harvard Kennedy School library, yet to join his cabinet. For decades, Kosovo — like much of the Balkans — had succumbed to the cliches of the region: Corruption was treated as inevitable, stability was prioritized over accountability, and the implicit assumption was that it was naïve to expect more from a post-conflict Balkan state than just free trade. But this felt genuinely new. It seemed Kurti was in politics for the right reasons — and he had the past to prove it. A former political prisoner under Serbian rule, he spent years in opposition as one of the only credible voices speaking for true independence in Kosovo. And the promise he represented was different: prosperity, modernity, non-corruption. The kind of politics that increases turnout and pulls back those who had disengaged. Kosovo had declared independence, but it had never quite received a fresh start — until then. Kosovo became an independent country in the 21st century. Its political identity has never been about settling for the crumbs of the 20th. And Kurti avoided the fate of many first-term reformers because he delivered. Fulfilling the promises you’ve set out for the people that count on you the most isn’t just the right thing to do — it’s also good politics. That mandate wasn’t built on spectacle or shiny mega-projects. It focused on the unglamorous work of governance: building a non-corrupt government, expanding social protection, making public higher education free and strengthening government institutions. These things don’t go viral, but they’re felt: Kosovo’s standing in international transparency indices has markedly improved. The World Bank removed Kosovo from its list of fragile and conflict-affected situations, and projected it as the fastest-growing economy in its region. In Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, Kosovo rose 28 places during Kurti’s tenure. However, governing isn’t just about domestic reform, and Serbia remains the main external complication. As Kosovo reached its adulthood as a state this month, continued denial of its sovereignty looks increasingly anachronistic — and yet, it persists. And while Kosovo remains firmly pro-EU, Serbia has leaned in the opposite direction, deepening ties with Russia and tightening internal political control. This dynamic has real consequences: Belgrade’s influence over Kosovo’s Serb minority — roughly 4 percent of the population, one-third of which is concentrated around the north border — has worked against integration in the country. Political pluralism has been constrained, with one party effectively monopolizing the political field. And the dangers of this became brutally clear with the armed attack in Banjska in September of 2023. To that end, Kurti’s most ambitious — and controversial — policy has been his effort to close institutional vacuums in the north by extending the reach of Kosovo’s administrative authority. To some international partners, this appeared hasty, and the EU responded with punitive measures it has now lifted. But for many Kosovars, it was long overdue. Indeed, it’s difficult to convince a Kosovar that the threat Serbia represents is overstated. This is where Kurti’s victory takes on broader meaning. Whether in Kosovo or elsewhere, politics requires the courage to move beyond the center. It rewards those who stand for something — consistently and over time. Kosovo today exceeds many of the expectations once placed upon it. Its success is also the success of the U.S. and the EU, both of which helped shape its post-war institutions and remain deeply popular among its citizens. The question now isn’t if Kosovo belongs in the European project — it’s about Europe’s willingness to uphold its own values.


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